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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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" Poland has contributed something more in this war than just her share
of the battle on every front. Participation in the fight is a soldier's normal
duty. But beyond all this, Poland formed an army underground which for
five and a half years fought in her country against the common enemy—con-
tinually attacking the rear of that enemy. It helped to weaken the German
war-machine., and fulfilled many undertaking desired by the Allies, in the
accomplishment of which several million Polish citizens met their deaths.
" The Allies wished these undertakings to be carried out and were there-
fore jointly responsible, to say nothing of the ancient custom of the solid-
arity of comrade-in-arms, recognised throughout the centuries, and
established in the common soldierly toil. Yalta's declaration had many
chapters, but not one of them mentioned that these veterans of five and a
half years5 fighting in Poland might receive a reward by freeing them from
torture, prisons, deportation and shooting.
" Responsibility is not limited to the past but is extended to the future.
At Teheran and Yalta, Poland's Allies were affirming that the Poles were
not responsible enough to speak for themselves, and others knew better
than they what was good for their country. The Polish viewpoint, stabilised
by a voluntary agreement between the Allies and sworn to by blood com-
monly shed, was opposed to political circumstances and duress. Not only
was it opposed, but they endeavoured by hook or by crook—perhaps it
would be more tactful not to discuss the methods—to enforce it on Poland.
" But together with the execution of their designs, and as is indissolubly
linked with it, so they took on the responsibility for the future. If the Poles
were stubborn in their decision, if they were against the clauses of Yalta,
it was not out of sheer obstinacy, for it was with a clear-sighted vision of
Europe to be. The persons who considered themselves capable of solving
the Polish problem in the face of the Polish opinion, and who after their
endeavours reached the conclusion that they had come no nearer solving it,
but had only served as a tool and had been used to gain time for that harvest
of torture and death, those persons are accepting responsibility, greater and
more serious than has ever been the lot of one man ..."
One of the main Polish press organs in America, Dziennik Polski
commented on the Crimean decision in similar terms :—
" On February 12, the Atlantic Charter was finally torn to shreds. It
was torn up by its creators and replaced by the Soviet's Black Charter, the
Charter which not only held Democracy to ridicule but openly sneered at
all the laws of God and man. Might before right, appeared in that Soviet
Black Charter; heroism and human sacrifice were set at nought. Vows
and solemn promises broken and the elementary rights of the people were
" The most tragic action committed during the Crimean Conference was
the decision to partition Poland. Representatives of Soviet Russia, Great
Britain and the United States jointly signed a statement whereby they com-
mitted themselves to take by force from the Polish Republic half her
territories with her ancient fortress of Polish and Western civilisation,
Wilno and Lwow, and to illegally hand over these territories -and cities to
the Soviet Dictator. And in so doing, the representatives of England and
the United States put their signatures to the act of the fourth partition of
Poland, carried out by the Ribbentrop-Molotov division of September 28,
* 1939.
"At the time when Ribbentrop and Molotov had partitioned Poland,
British opinion clearly expressed its attitude to this crime . . . 4 Cynical
aggression' Chamberlain had claimed.